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"Why Europe Matters to the United States", remarks by the U.S. Ambassador David H. Thorne

U.S. Ambassador Thorne (center) with Italian Minister Tremonti (left) and Under Secretary Marta Dassù

U.S. Ambassador Thorne (center) with Italian Minister Tremonti (left) and Under Secretary Marta Dassù

The U.S. Ambassador David H. Thorne

The U.S. Ambassador David H. Thorne

Milan, January 30, 2012

Remarks at ASPENIA Incontro Dibattito
Palazzo Clerici, Milan

As prepared for delivery

Distinguished guests, I would first like to thank Undersecretary  Marta Dassu and Ambassador Giancarlo Aragona for having organized this event, and I thank Dr. Tremonti, Professor Fortis and Dr. Maggioni for their presence, as well.

Dear friends and colleagues:  I am honored to be on such a distinguished panel to discuss this latest issue of Aspenia dedicated to the United States.  Objectively speaking, you could not have chosen a better topic for Issue 55!  I will try to keep my remarks brief so there will be time for a lively discussion that Monica will moderate.

You have subtitled this issue of Aspenia "America without Precedent" that for me means "America and Europe Confronting an Unprecedented World."  Twenty years ago the major preoccupation of the transatlantic relationship was the defense of Europe against the Soviet threat.  Today Europe finds itself democratic, largely unified, and remarkably engaged on a global level.

That is not to say that the path has been smooth.  In the past year alone we have seen unprecedented economic threats to the Eurozone, unprecedented political change in the Arab world, the unprecedented challenges posed by Iran's nuclear ambitions, adding those to the traditional preoccupations of environmental degradation, data privacy, and migration, to name but a few.

Regardless of the threat, our world has become too complex, too integrated, for completely unitary actors. In short, what is a problem for one of us quickly becomes a problem for us all. In this spirit our view is that it is no longer enough for the United States to be a superpower.  To be effective we must act as a Superpartner, working with other nations to achieve common purposes.  And  no region in the world more completely shares those values, comprehends that vision, and enjoys capabilities to act globally than Europe.  In the words of President Obama, Europe is "the cornerstone of our engagement with the world."

There can be no doubt that the most pressing common challenge on the transatlantic agenda is economic and financial. The EU and the U.S. economies account together for close to half the entire world GDP and for almost a third of world trade flows.  Our fates are intertwined.  Or, as Benjamin Franklin said about the signers of the declaration of independence: "We must all hang together, or assuredly we shall all hang separately."

The United States depends on trade with Europe for our own economic health. And Europe requires a robust U.S. economy as a counterpart market.  We all find ourselves in the same economic boat, and we must all work together to find the right balance between applying greater austerity and stimulating more growth.

Prime Minister Monti has ably grasped the need to work on both Italy’s fiscal accounts and to promote economic growth.  In his short months in office, the Prime Minister and his government have initiated important reforms aimed at defending Italy's economy while ensuring its future.  In a few days President Obama will welcome Prime Minister Monti to the White House. They will  certainly discuss the Prime Minister's work on pension reform, market liberalization, and the Prime Minister's effort to open Italy's labor market.  The United States is following those measures very closely.  We wish the Prime Minister every success in ensuring Italy's strong recovery.  Moreover, we agree with the Prime Minister that Europe must be convinced that a singular focus on austerity is not an answer, and that sustained economic growth is essential to resolving the broader crisis.

Europe also matters to the United States over and above dollars and Euros, in ways that are not monetarily quantifiable.  Pundits have made much of our renewed emphasis on Asia, and have expressed concern that somehow this means Europe carries less weight, that the United States is "abandoning" Europe.  Nothing could be further from the truth.

Let us look back only a few months, to the massive political change that engulfed North Africa.  From Tunisia to Egypt to Libya, a democratic awakening overturned what we had all assumed to be eternally autocratic regimes.  In many cases, European nations had unequalled historical, cultural, and political ties to those nations.  The United States brought its own capabilities and diplomatic clout to the table and partnered with Europe to midwife the ongoing democratic transitions – more Superpartnership.

Nowhere was the U.S. – European bond more forcefully demonstrated than when the Libyan conflict escalated.  NATO reacted swiftly and jointly, with almost 20 countries bringing capabilities to bear to protect civilians from being brutalized at the hands of the Ghedaffi regime.  Italy played a particularly key role in this campaign as the bulk of air sorties flew from Italian bases, and now Italy has a major role in assisting the new Libyan government in reconstructing that country.

European countries via NATO also remain committed to remaining part of the international coalition in Afghanistan.  In the wake of the recent withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq, the regional importance of a stable and secure Afghanistan remains a shared priority for Europe and the United States.

A similar transatlantic consensus has come together on the need to convince Iran to abandon its pursuit of nuclear weapons.  European governments are as concerned as we are about the possibility of a nuclear-armed Iran. The EU has recently stepped up sanctions on Iranian oil purchases and activities of the Iranian central bank, adding smart solidarity with UNSCR 1929 and the sanctions imposed by the United States.

These are but highlights of our common agenda, of how vital Europe remains for the United States.  I do not need to detail for this audience the rich tapestry of day-to-day cooperation, consultation, common action and consensus-building that makes the transatlantic relationship unique. That relationship is bound to become closer as the United States increasingly relies on multilateral partnerships with Europe to advance common interests.

Yes, some Europeans may lament the lack of Cold War clarity in the new global system.  This era of globally shifting interests, abilities, and resources is disconcerting to those of us grown accustomed to the simplicity of the U.S. – Soviet dynamic.  Some wonder what role the EU and Europe might play in the aftermath of the Eurocrisis and the "era of austerity" while lamenting that the electoral season in the United States is distracting us from engaging productively with Europe.

Let me answer those concerns by telling you that the United States is betting on Europe's success.  We have to be.  We are in this together.  The immediate economic challenge will be overcome.  I am confident that the result will be a Europe more fully "Lisbonized" and better able to act quickly, and in concert, on a broader agenda of concerns.  We will need to work together to advance stability in the Balkans, the Caucasus, and improve our common relationship with Russia.  We have mutual common strategic interests in NATO reform, on migration, on human rights, in preventing terrorism and in expanding the benefits of EU membership.  What separates the United States from Europe pales in comparison to what unites us, and these bonds will only grow.

Let me conclude with a few words on Italy. One of my very first meetings when I first arrived over two years ago as Ambassador was with Aspen Italia.  Then-Minister Tremonti and Dr. Dassu were at the table along with other distinguished Aspenites.  I remember our discussion focused on Italy's path to the future.  None of us then foresaw the Eurozone crisis or the Arab Spring or Libya or any of the other challenges that have confronted us.  But I remember the consensus then was - and remains - that Italia c'e la fara.  Italian ingenuity, hard work, and resilience are legend, and Italy solves its problems in an Italian way.  So if we are betting, let me double down: the United States goes "all in" on both Europe and Italy.  We need you, we will support you, and will remain your Superpartner as we pursue a common global agenda.

Thank you.